Marriage in industrial societies

jointure in industrial societies differentiate and contrast cardinal theories of the form in the bestride of wedding party in industrial societies. There argon several theories which attempt to explain the causes toilet the changing ages of marriage in industrial societies. While no possibleness should be seen as whole-encompassing or as universally applicable, some(prenominal) learn made valuable contributions to the overall debate. The theories presented by Valeria Oppenheimer (1988, 1994, 1997) and David S. Loughran (2002) argon two such(prenominal) examples of incisive invents that have influenced the direction and scholarly survey on this topic.Before delving into the ill-tempereds of these two scholars, it is burning(prenominal) to point turn up several(prenominal) of the problems inherent in attempting to account for such a diverse and important phenomenon. Indeed, the concept of marriage is hotshot that is often culturally contingent and one that can vary amo ng demographic and religious groups. Also, it is important to visit the question of how modern determine have contributed to contemporary patterns of marriage. As such, not all industrial societies can be understood as uniformly confusable and that the change in age of marriage should also be panorama of in terms of time, sociostinting status, race, and ethnic group.Oppenheimers A Theory of Marriage Timing is deeply invadeed with challenging the then popular and normal whimsy that womens economic independence was the major factor in the set in gains to marriage (and the) rise in delayed marriage (1988). This notion, to Oppenheimer, is curiously problematic because it tends to push people into one of two polar positions the emergence independence of women could be seen as too high of a bell to pay because of its negative pretend on society or as an unavoidable price for womens liberation (1988). Instead Oppenheimer, by a limited assay-theoretic framework, argues that e ven if the gains to marriage are reduced through economic independence, the entrust can have minimal effect on marriage gains in general. The great independence that women experience creates an environment where they uncomplete are laboured to settle or remain in an undesirable situation (1988, p.587).Oppenheimer further discredits the independence hypothesis in Womens Employment and the Gain to Marriage the specialization and Trading Model through a detailed analysis of the lit supporting this notion (1997). Assumptions made by theorists, particularly those held by Gary Becker, are critically examined by Oppenheimer. An important criticism the author makes deals with questioning the head start point of the high correlation coefficient of the various time series trends utilize by supporters of the independence hypothesis (1997). If one pushes these time-series backwards (and does not have them dated in the 1950s and 1960s) it becomes clear that divorce rates were on the rise well before womens usage started to grow (1997). Further, Oppenheimer attempts to clarify the contrast (which she believes is often misunderstood) between the delay of marriage and nonmarriage. She cites important factors why individuals may want to delay marriage, such as economic factors or educational attainment (among others) without actually delaying the relative worth or desirability of marriage (1997).In Womens Rising Employment and the Future of the Family in Industrial Societies Oppenheimer explains the change in marriage through the declining position of men in the fag out market. Supported by strong evidence linking the connection between early marriage and strong labor markets, Oppenheimer illustrates how men who lack a inactive life story or career path become less desirable, frankincense prolonging the depend for potential mates.Beckers theory of marriage, which Oppenheimer connects with ideas presented by two of sociologists most famed figures (Parsons and D urkheim), maintains that the major gain to marriage lies in the mutual dependence of spouses, arising out of their specialized functionsthe woman in domestic production (and reproduction), the man in market work (Oppeheimer 1997). As the economy grows and pursues rise, womens market work in turn also rises. For Becker, this means that the work women engage in becomes less specialized and more economically independent leading, in turn, to a spill in the desirability of marrying or of staying conjoin (Oppenheimer 1997). Of particular concern to Oppenheimer is Beckers argument that a major gain to marriage is lost through womens economic independence. Oppenheimer, however, calls into question several facets of Beckers theory by arguing that families are adaptable and have placed both women and children in the workforce when it was demanded by particular economic conditions.Oppenheimer stresses, through the employment of micro and marco level analyses, how the decline in masculine e conomic probability in the 1970s and mid-eighties served as an integral factor in reducing the supply of marriageable men. This parallels both Loughrans and Easterlins (Birth and Fortune, 1987) arguments that individuals (both men and women) are more likely to be married in the areas in which higher proportions of men are marriageable (for Loughran this notion hinges on lock variation and for Easterlin it rests on the particulars of the birth cohort). Oppenheimer further deviates from many of her predecessors by stressing the relative importance uncertainty in career access and path plays in the delay of marriage. Couples would thus spend a greater amount of time (the concept of delaying marriage as opposed to nonmarriage is over again stressed) when searching for suitable (as defined by men and women with an established career path) partners. Loughran, in The Effect of Male Wage Inequality on three-year-old-bearing(prenominal) Age at First Marriage argues that rising phal lic wage inequality is responsible for a proportion of the decline in the age-specific lust to marry between 1970 and 1990 (2002). The author, who also uses a search-theoretic framework, discusses how his hypothesis fits naturally into a model of female married search (2002) and how it reveals a negative correlation between male wage inequality and female propensity to marry. That is, if women search among a pool of men characterized by their wages, theory predicts growing male wage inequality will increase the duration of female marital search and, hence, age at first marriage (2002). As similarly cardd by Oppenheimer, Loughran agrees that modeling marriage behavior in this way of life shows that it is less of a decline in marriage as it is of a delay. Loughran, in a similar vein as Oppenheimer, dispels alternative hypotheses such as rising female wages and employment and concludes that the rising male wage inequality increases the return to marital search, which in turn length ens search duration and decreas(es) age-specific propensities to marry (2002).When comparing the theories of Oppenheimer and Loughran, one can see that the latters economic analysis supports the formers on several pick out points. One of Loughrans hypotheses deals with describing how wage inequality (beginning in the early 1970s) meant greater variability in the economic suitableness and stability of potential husbands thereby leading to greater rewards for women who extended and elongated their marriage search. This notion supports Oppenheimers emphasis on taking the stress away from womens independence as the critical factor in changing age of marriage and instead placing it on the declining role of males in the marketplace.Criticisms of these theories are cringe to occur, as they fail to account for all of the intricacies associated with marriage trends. It is interesting to note the relative absence in the discussions presented by these authors of the importance of religion and its particular influence on marriage trends. When one considers the very nature of marriage, and the values and ideals it is naturally associated with, the idea of its close relationship with religious belief becomes soft noticeable. As such, it may be interesting in the in store(predicate) to examine these theories with respect to groups that have different levels of religiosity.When considering both of these theories, it becomes clear that the economic opportunity of both men and women should be studied together if one is provoke in discovering the reasons behind change in marriage age. While neither the growing wage inequality among young men nor the independence among young women is wholly responsible for the delay in marriage, they are both seen to be important contributors to the phenomena and overall debate. Oppenheimer, in particular, has proven to be influential in influencing the direction of the discourse by calling into question some of the key prevailing notions which have persisted throughout the past century.References1.) Easterlin, R. A. (1987) Birth and Fortune The impact of Numbers on Personal Welfare. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, second edition2.) Oppenheimer, V.K. (1997) Womens employment and the gain to marriage the specialization and trading model. Annual revaluation of Sociology, 23, 431-4533.) Oppenheimer, V.K. (1988) A theory of marriage timing. American Journal of Sociology, 94(3), 563-5914.) Oppenheimer, V.K. (1994) Womens rising employment and the future of the family in industrial societies. Population and Development Review, 20(2), 293-3425.) Loughran, D.S. (2002). The effect of male wage inequality on female age at first marriage. Review of Economics and Statistics, 84(2), 237-250.